Nihon no Uta: Examining Japanese Cultural Identity Through the Tradition of Song

The homogenous nature of modern Japan and its sense of national identity remain of great interest to both the Western world and modern Japan itself. Such homogeneity is assumed to be the result of Japan's ethnic uniformity and class cohesiveness. Despite the popular Japanese belief of monoethnicity though, modern Japan is home to a growing percentage of diverse ethnicities.[1] Moreover, many people outside and inside of Japan describe the nation as a classless society, due to its prevailing middle class. The Japanese saying, ichioku-sō-chūryū一億総中流, which means "100 million completely middle class", refers to this idea of Japan being a nation of middle class. However, after the burst of Japan's "bubble economy"バブル景気 in the early 1990s, Japan descended into a recession which came to be known as the "Lost Decade" 失われた10年, during which the middle class decreased in size and stability. Today, Japan's economic disparity continues to increase, with the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare 厚生労働省 reporting in 2009 that nearly one in six Japanese, or 20 million people, lived in poverty in 2007, putting Japan's poverty rate at 15.7 percent.[2] If one cannot explain Japan's seemingly homogeneous society then in terms of ethnic or class definition, how does one comprehend the prevailing sense of "Japaneseness" among citizens of modern Japan? What contributes to the Japanese identity in today's increasingly international, changing, and modernizing world?

For such an answer, many scholars turn to Japan's long history as an isolated island country and its supposed linguistically unique language. In actuality though, Japan never experienced complete isolation, receiving cultural influences from China and Korea from as early as the Yayoi period弥生時代 (300 BCE–250 CE), and actively engaging in trade with Portuguese, Dutch, English, Spanish, and Vietnamese sailors in the 16th century until the trade limitations that came with the closing of Japan's borders according to the Sakoku Edict鎖国令 of 1635. Japan did then subsequently experience a self-imposed isolation for roughly 220 years until the reopening of its borders in 1854, after negotiations with Commodore Perry ended in a treaty with the United States. Many scholars credit these 200 years as the core of what is now referred to as "traditional" Japanese culture, and as the longest period of peace and stability in Japanese history, it certainly was highly influential. However, Japan was not completely isolated under the sakoku policy, as limited trade with the Dutch, as well as with China and Korea, was permitted under strict regulations.

Similarly, while the Japanese language does possess some distinguishing characteristics, most notably its high degree of contextuality, it is ultimately more linguistically more common than many Japanese and Westerners alike perpetuate. Japanese is only technically considered a language-isolate because its genetic affiliation to other languages or language families is not definitively known.[3] Furthermore, most of the uniqueness of the Japanese language owe much to shallow comparisons with European languages; however, Japanese is typical in terms of overall grammatical structure, phonology, and its agglutinative morphology.

So once again, we return to the question of how to understand Japan's pervasive sense of identity. I think it's worth considering that the answer may lie in Japan's sense of national culture. Although Japanese culture denotes many varied arts, in this paper, I have chosen to focus specifically on the tradition of song in modern Japan (beginning with the Meiji period) and its role in preserving and unifying Japanese cultural identity. To do so, I have addressed the genres of children's song (warabeuta), folksong (min'yō), and the modern ballad (enka).

Music Education and Children's Songs: Warabeuta 童歌

In 1879, under the influence of rapid industrialization and Westernization that accompanied the Meiji Restoration 明治維新, Japan reformed its educational system. Among the changes to Japan's newly formed public school system was the inclusion of a primary music curriculum. Public music education was unheard in Japan at the time, as music and the arts were instead carefully transmitted down a long line of master-student relationships within the iemoto 家元 ("family foundation") or michi 道 ("path") system. Such systems resembled schools or families, in which a specialized craft was taught according to the secret teachings of a master, who had complete authority over his students' training. As a result, musical notation varied between schools, rendering musicians from competing schools unable to read notation outside of their own establishment.

In 1875, Isawa Shūji伊澤修二 (1851-1917) was sent by the Japanese Ministry of Education to Massachusetts in order to receive a formal Western education and training in teaching. There he met American music educator, Luther Whiting Mason (1828-1886), who, at Isawa's recommendation, was subsequently hired by the Japanese government to aid in implementing the new music program. Isawa and Mason, together with a committee consisting of a distinguished koto 箏 player (a zither; Japan's national instrument), gagaku 雅楽 musicians (classical music of the imperial court), and a man well-versed in Japanese literature, created children's songs for textbooks. The songs were a fusion of Japanese traditional poetry and music with European tonal harmony and modern notation. The Ministry of Education compiled these new works into three volumes called Shōgaku Shōkashū 小學唱歌集, or "Elementary School Song Collection." Their publication was wildly successful. Such a musical fusion of East and West eventually fell out of popularity, however, and after Mason's return to the United States in 1883 and Isawa's departure from the Tokyo Music School in 1890, school music education became increasingly more European in nature.[4]

Education went through another set of significant reforms after the Manchurian Incident of 1931, culminating with the renaming of Shōgaku 小学 (Elementary School) to Kokumin Gakkō 國民學校 (National People's School) in 1941. Music education during this time strongly reflected the spirit of ultra-nationalism and militarism that swept the country. Music education was directly addressed in Article 14 of Kokumin Gakkoa-rei Shiko Kisoku 国民学校令施行規則 ("National School Ordinance Regulations"):

The courses in the performing arts and in music are to be designed so as to cultivate the capacity for singing songs correctly and appreciating music, and to purify the national sentiments. The policy of instruction in the performing arts is, first, to place value on spiritual discipline, without lapsing into the instruction of technical skills; secondly, to impart knowledge about the characteristics of our country's performing arts and skills; thirdly, to cultivate the creative capacity for labor.[5]

The phrases "purify the national sentiments" and "spiritual discipline" are clear references to nationalist patriotism while the phrase "cultivate the creative capacity for labor" alludes to the concept of national effort so prevalent in Japan during the war.[6]

In accordance with these new regulations, schoolchildren's songbooks gradually became increasingly filled with music inspired by military marches and modified lyrics promoting allegiance to the war effort. For example, a song about Momotarō 桃太郎, or "Peach Boy", arguably Japan's most popular folk story, is depicted in these new song lyrics as waving the Japanese flag. Other newly composed song's lyrics were less transparent, with titles such as Heitai Gokko兵隊ごっこ ("Soldier Game"), Nyūei入営 ("Enlistment"), or Gunkan軍艦 ("Warship"). The lyrics are chilling, especially when remembering that these songs were composed specifically for children's education. They included lyrics celebrating the sinking of enemy ships at Pearl Harbor, proclaiming the glory of dying in war, descriptions of storming through a rain of bullets and carrying back friends' bones from battle, and emphasizing the imperialistic creation of a Greater East Asia by victory in a "holy war".[7]

Following Japan's defeat in World War II and under supervision of American occupation, Japanese education was again reformed. Music education was certainly not ignored among these reforms. The Gakushu Shidco Yoiryo 学習指導要領 ("Essentials of Educational Guidance") of 1947 firstly advocated that music education strive for: "Cultivation of high aesthetic sentiment and an enriched human nature by activating the comprehension and awareness of musical beauty."[8] Any lyric that hinted at nationalism, militarism, or Shintoism (the state religion during the war) was replaced by traditional Japanese poetic aesthetics, which praised the beauty of the moon, the seasons, and cherry blossoms. Friendship, peace, and good relationships were emphasized as well, such as can be seen in the lyrics of Minna Ii Ko みんないい子 ("Everyone a Good Child"):

Beautiful language, everyone a good child,
Get along well together, everyone a good child[9]

Unfortunately, with the positive change in lyrics also came the complete domination of Western tonality. Whereas wartime songs were consistently written in the traditional Japanese pentatonic scales of in陰and 陽, postwar songs moved away from Japanese tonality completely in favor of the Western key.[10]

The 1960s and 70s once again saw a renewal of interest in traditional music. This revival corresponded to the Nihonjinron日本人論 phenomenon that flourished at the time. Rotem Kowner defines the term Nihonjinron as "a vast discourse that takes place within the Japanese society and seeks to account for the particular characteristics of its culture, behavior, and national character."[11] As Japan's psyche slowly began to recover from its crushing defeat in the war, a re-evaluation of Japanese identity and culture emerged. Nihonjinron spans from a general positive interest in traditional Japanese culture and values to wild nationalistic theories concerning the proposed uniqueness or superiority of the Japanese mind and body. In the area of music education, however, where Japanese music had entered into a crisis period following the war, this movement contributed the Ministry of Education's 1958 decision to include Japanese music in the official course of study. Chihara Yoshio茅原芳男, who is recognized as a leading pioneer in the teaching of traditional Japanese music in school, began incorporating Japanese musical ensembles in elementary education in 1969. This would mark the first time Japanese instruments, such as the koto, shamisen 三味線 (a plucked three-string instrument), and taiko 太鼓 (a traditional drum), were taught outside of the traditional iemoto system. Chihara had learned the koto himself through an iemoto system, but then distributed his musical learning within the public school system, reformatting the teachings to benefit the school system learning environment. He went on to form The Tokyo Children's Japanese Music Ensemble, which flourished under his direction until his retirement in 1992.[12]

Chihara's philosophy for teaching Japanese music within the schools, independent of the iemoto system, was that "the present music curriculum which emphasizes Western music, leaves students without a sense of cultural identity", implying that "through the enjoyment of Japanese music, Japanese students can get in touch with their true cultural identity." Furthermore, one of Chihara's goals as a Japanese music ensemble teacher was to foster a sense of group cooperation.[13] In her 2000 Society for Ethnomusicology article, "Bridging Contexts, Transforming Music: The Case of Elementary School Teacher Chihara Yoshio", Joanna T. Pecore writes, "Japanese music education can play a significant role in reconstructing a sense of cultural identity among young people. … Adaptations to traditional music by classroom teachers serve as ongoing reflections and sources of informing a public sense of cultural identity." In 1989, Japan's Ministry of Education revised its music education guidelines with the objectives of "deepening international understanding" and "fostering an attitude of respect toward our nation's culture and traditions."[14] During this time, traditional music education increased in popularity, as did the idea that in order to successfully explore and interact with other cultures, one must be familiar with his or her own culture first. A common student response to the question of "why learn Japanese music?" was, "I ought to learn Japanese music because I am Japanese."[15]

Folksong: Min'yō 民謡

Though native Japanese songs were sung throughout the country since the beginnings of Japanese civilization, it was not until the 20th century that the term "folksong" actually came into semantic use. It was a direct loan word from the translation of the German word Volkslied ("folk song"). Japanese interest in min'yō arose under influence of Western Romanticism during the Meiji period. In the countryside itself, of course, min'yō were simply known as uta 歌 ("song") until as late as the 1960s.[16] Probably most popular among such songs were taue uta 田植歌, or, rice-plating songs. These songs set the communal planting rhythm of the field workers who sung them. Rural songs were associated with a specific region. A place or village name was used in the title, such as Iso Bushi 磯節. During the first quarter of the 20th century, the word min'yō connoted a song from outside one's region while uta implied a local song. At the time, min'yō were heard performed in teahouses when one traveled, and later, on radio and television commercials. These folk songs were most often performed by professional singers who added ornamentation and were accompanied by a shamisen or the shakuhachi尺八 (a wooden, end-blown flute). Song-text historian, Asano Kenji浅野建二, attempted to define the broad term of min'yō as "songs which were originally born naturally within local folk communities and, as they have been transmitted, reflect naively the sentiments of daily life."[17] The idea of native sentiment is truly what lies at the heart of min'yō and the genre's modern popularity.

Min'yō wa kokoro no furusato ("Folk song is the heart's hometown") is a saying made popular by the introductory statement of NHK'sstill-running radio show, Min'yō wo tazunete 民謡をたずねて ("In search of folk song"), originally launched in 1950.[18] Furusato古里 (liteally, "old village") refers to one's hometown. However, the Japanese concept of hometown does not necessarily reference a personal birthplace. It's not uncommon for second-generation Tokyoites to associate their furusato with their grandparents' village, a place they perhaps can only visit during Obon お盆 or New Year.[19] As folksongs are irrevocably linked with specific places and a specific time, it's a readied source of nostalgia and comfort for an ever-increasing urban Japan. The tension between modernity and tradition creates a unique balance in Japanese culture and society. A salary man living in a high-rise condo in Tokyo can find comfort in folksongs, which invoke imagery of a hometown from simpler times. Folksongs arouse from prewar hamlets, or buraku部落, a social unit comprised of 60 to 200 people belonging to a dozen or so families.[20] As Japan quickly rebuilt itself into one of the world's most modern nations following World War II, these small communities blended together, losing their identity in the merge to larger cities. Since the majority of folksongs originated among famers, the gradual reduction in manual labor that accompanied Japan's modernization disassociated min'yō from its original context.

Forty years after the opening of Japan's borders, Japan was thoroughly imbued with Westernization. Having made great strides in catching up with its Western neighbors, Japan experienced a resurgence of interest in the traditional arts that had been suppressed in exchange for the cultivation of European music. The transformation of a folk song in this environment is easily imaginable. Travelers to distant locations, such as a bustling port city, would carry a native, regional song with them for instance. From there, the song would be further picked up by a variety of people, from low-class migrant workers to the local geisha, who would alter the song into a more suitable parlor version for performances within inns and teahouses. Geisha, their patrons, and migrant workers would subsequently spread the song across the country, and soon its popularity would spread throughout the nation. Eventually, even classical shakuhachi players would perform the tune, with the high-class officials enjoying it just the same. Over time, the song would be intentionally standardized, with contests held for its best performance, and studios created for its teaching. Folksong troupes would tour the country, transmitting the song throughout Japan.

The defining term of 1890s Japanese culture is hozon 保存 ("preservation"), and in 1897 the government enacted its first law, The Old Shrine and Temple Preservation Law古社寺保存法, meant to protect art treasures.[21] Ueda Bin上田敏, a translator of European poetry and literature, urged his country's musicians to collect and preserve folksong. By 1904, influenced by the nationalist and socialist movements sweeping the world, and further affected by the Russo-Japanese War, min'yō flourished. Newspapers held lyric contests for subscribers, and around 1915, poetic circles came together to create dōyō 童謡 ("children's songs") and new min'yō, with a conscious textual focus on the 'needs of the people'.[22] This in turn spurred the new Folk Song (shin min'yō 新民謡) Movement. New folksongs, or shin min'yō, were originally published as lyrics only, but by 1920, melodies accompanied the lyrics in publication. The dominant lyricist of the movement, Kitahara Hakushū 北原白秋, who also collected and published traditional children's songs (warabeuta), wrote in 1927 as an explanation for new folksongs, "Japanese folk songs, once the voice of the people and the land, have since the Meiji period largely lost their local color and pastoral flavor."[23] Kitahara, in the spirit of preservation, began composing new folksongs in an attempt to right this cultural loss. Shin min'yō were often commissioned by patrons, such as factory owners, for the creation of urban work songs similar to rice-planting songs. With women leaving their rural homes to work in city factories or textile mills, such songs were hoped to boost worker morale.[24] The new songs' success and popularity eventually led to the distinction between min'yō and shin min'yō being blurred completely. However, the movement ground to halt with the arrival of World War II, when composers turned their attentions to militarist songs instead.

By the 1960s, min'yō had grown into an entire musical genre, with its activity base shifted entirely to Tokyo and Osaka. Today, Japanese people consider shin min'yō to be just as authentic and traditional as its folksong predecessors.

Modern Tradition - Enka演歌

Since the Meiji period, Japan has struggled to reconcile its cultural identity between native tradition and Western trends. Enka演歌, an indigenous popular ballad genre that incorporates traditional Japanese scales and vocal styling with Western instrumentation and modern technology, seems to have found a successful balance. The genre's single-line melodies are reminiscent of traditional pentatonic scales, but are accompanied by chordal harmony, provided by saxophone, trumpet, electric guitar, keyboard, and synthesizer. Sometimes Japanese instruments, such as the shamisen, koto, or shakuhachi, are added for a touch of traditional flavor. The vocal line is highly melismatic and features a characteristic vocal warble called kobushi 小節. Lyrics, which in Japanese vocal music have always been the most important element, are suggestive of traditional poetry in themes and images. Female singers almost always perform in kimono. The "Japaneseness" of enka is therefore found in all of the genre's components, musically, visually, and textually.

In her book, Tears of Longing: Nostalgia and the Nation in Japanese Popular Song, Christine Reiko Yano effectively summarizes the appeal of enka in modern Japanese society:

To the Japanese public, enka sounds timelessly old, although it is still actively created and consumed. The erasure of passing time is in fact part of its attraction. A 1993 hit is deliberately contrived to be easily mistaken for a 1953 one… What helps to achieve this timelessness are not only the sounds and the images of enka but also – and most important – its sentiment. Here are hometowns left long ago but not forgotten, lovers parted, mothers remembered for their sacrifices. Amid the tumult and complexity of today's Japan, which faces challenging questions of political leadership, economic recession, and globalization, these affairs of the heart, dredged up from a reconstructed past, seem wonderfully simple, direct, and untarnished. … Its reputation [is that of] "nihon no uta" (song of Japan), an expression of "nihonjin no kokoro" (the heart/soul of Japanese) and eve "dentō no oto" (the sound of tradition). Amid the nationalistic cultural fervor of the 1970s, the record industry promoted enka as one emblem of national culture.[25]

Here we can see a direct connection to min'yō in the shared emphasis on sentiment. However, where folksongs typically expressed themes of work, nature, and location, enka most often conveys themes of personal relationships – particularly, those of love and loss. Enka, like min'yō, is also a genre of nostalgia, but where min'yō is connected to a specific place or furusato, the hometown sung of in enka is generalized.

Enka's most traceable origins derive from antigovernment protest songs of the Meiji period, called senzetsu no uta 演説の歌 ("speech song"), with the word enka, in fact, being an abbreviation of the term.[26] Gradually, the role of these street singers shifted from that of protestor to performer, distributing lyrics instead of political propaganda. Enka was originally more of a stylized speech than song, but with the import of Western musical practices in the Meiji period, enka began to take on more melodious qualities. Enka's lyrics most likely evolved to subjects of lost love, separation, and loneliness during the social upheaval of the Taishō period 大正時代, when rural people migrated to the cities for work.[27] In 1938, amidst the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II, Japan issued the National Mobilization Law (Kokka Sōdōin Hō国家総動員法), seeking to suppress unwanted elements and promote elements that were beneficial to the war effort. Musically, this resulted in a ban on American music and its influences, as well as Japanese popular songs that expressed overly sentimental, romantic, or sad themes and lyrics.[28] Instead, approved militaristic music was broadcast daily with the intention to "instill group consciousness in the Japanese nation and foster a fighting spirit."[29] Popular songs focused on the strength and resilience of the Japanese spirit, as well as family relationships. The enka song, Kudan no Haha 九段の母 ("Mother of Kudan") relates the story of an elderly mother who travels from her home in the countryside to Yasukuni shrine, where her son is enshrined as a war hero.[30] In the postwar years of enka, Japan fell in love with the singer Misora Hibari 美空ひばり, later immortalized as the "Queen of Enka." Misora, who first came into the spotlight at the tender age of twelve, came to represent the postwar Japanese spirit, and it was during her sprouting career that enka experienced its greatest surge in popularity. Though presently there are enka fans of all ages and nationalities, especially with the latest resurgence of enka production and interest, the genre is most typically associated with listeners over the age of fifty. Interestingly enough, this is not representative of an aged population clinging to music from their youth, but rather, a case of age grading, as enka reappears in each consecutive generation. The popular consensus in Japan is that enka, the genre that sells nostalgia, is the kind of music one comes to appreciate in the later years of life.


As the second largest music market in the world following the United States, music continues to have an immense effect over life and contemporary society in Japan. Music in Japan is typically categorized as either modern or pre-modern, popular or traditional, with the implication being that modern popular music is not truly "Japanese music" (nihon ongaku 日本音楽). However, both the popular and traditional can be thought of as elements within a body of musical practices that comprise "Japanese musical culture."[31] In his article, "Japanese Music Can Be Popular", Hugh de Ferranti writes:

In Japanese popular music, evidence for musical habitus and residual traits of past practice can be sought not only in characteristics typical of musicological analysis; modal, harmonic and rhythmic structures; but also in aspects of the music's organization, presentation, conceptualization and reception. … Such an inclusive approach to new and old musical practices in Japan enables demonstration of ways in which popular music is both part of Japanese musical culture and an authentic vehicle for contemporary Japanese identity.[32]

Not only do modern popular musicians in Japan have a powerful influence over contemporary Japanese culture, but their work continues in the tradition of premodern music as well.

The role of song in Japanese society has a long and rich history of preserving culture and influencing national identity. It may be seen in wildly successful Japanese television advertising, in which a brand promotes its product through a unique song and dance that society will emulate. On the eve of the New Year, Japan's most important holiday, families will gather around the television to watch NHK's annual Kōhaku Uta Gassen 紅白歌合戦 ("Red and White Song Battle"), in which artists from the year's most popular pop and enka songs are invited to perform and compete in teams of red (female singers) and white (male singers). Red and white, of course, are the colors of the Japanese flag. Furthermore, when crossing the road in Japan, one may hear the traffic light play the popular children's song (warabeuta), Tōryanse 通りゃんせ, indicating that it's safe to cross the street.

Today, millions of Japanese businessmen will go out after work for a drink with their coworkers. They will head to a karaoke bar, where they will relax and even do business among the singing of their colleagues. Young people on a weekend will similarly seek out a private karaoke box and unwind by singing songs they've heard time and time again among the circle of their friends. The benefits of communal singing are so numerous that currently, music therapists have patients engage in karaoke among small groups in order to relieve anxiety, boost serotonin levels, and encourage positive social interaction. As a music therapy researcher, Dr. Thaut said, "The brain that engages in music is changed by engaging in music."[33] No doubt Japan's rich heritage of song has and continues to subtlety shape and unify Japanese cultural identity.


Davis, William B., Kate E. Gfeller, and Michael H. Thaut. An Introduction to Music Therapy: Theory and Practice. Ed. American Music Therapy Association. 3rd ed. Silver Spring, MD: American Music Therapy Association, 2008. Print.
De Ferranti, Hugh. "'Japanese Music' Can Be Popular." Popular Music 21.2 (2002): 195-208. Web.
Donahue, Ray T. Exploring Japaneseness: On Japanese Enactments of Culture and Consciousness. Westport, CT: Ablex Pub., 2002. Print.
Eppstein, Ury. "School Songs Before and After the War. From `Children Tank Soldiers' to `Everyone a Good Child'" Monumenta Nipponica 42.4 (1987): 431-47. Web.
Fackler, Martin. "Japan Tries to Face Up to Growing Poverty Problem." Asia Pacific. The New York Times, 21 Apr. 2010. Web. 17 Feb. 2012.
Hughes, David W. "Japanese "New Folk Songs," Old and New." Asian Music 22.1 (1990): 1-49. Web.
Hughes, David W. Traditional Folk Song in Modern Japan: Sources, Sentiment and Society. Folkestone: Global Oriental, 2008. Print.
Masayoshi, Shibatani. The Languages of Japan. Cambridge [England: Cambridge UP, 1990. Print.
May, Elizabeth. "Japanese Children's Folk Songs before and after Contact with the West." Journal of the International Folk Music Council 11 (1959): 59-65. Web.
Pecore, Joanna T. "Bridging Contexts, Transforming Music: The Case of Elementary School Teacher Chihara Yoshio." Ethnomusicology 44.1 (2000): 120-36. Web.
Wade, Bonnie C. Music in Japan: Experiencing Music, Expressing Culture. New York: Oxford UP, 2005. Print.
"The World Factbook: East & Southeat Asia :: Japan." Central Intelligence Agency: The Work of a Nation. The Center of Intelligence. Central Intelligence Agency. Web. 17 Feb. 2012.
Yano, Christine Reiko. Tears of Longing: Nostalgia and the Nation in Japanese Popular Song.
Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2002. Print.

[1] The Central Intelligence Agency has reported the ethnic make-up of Japan as consisting of 98.5% Japanese, 0.5% Koreans, 0.4% Chinese, and 0.6% other. It also notes that up to 230,000 Brazilians of Japanese origin migrated to Japan in the 1990s to work in industries, with some returning to Brazil (2004). Though this percentage of diversity is rather small from many Western, especially American, readers' viewpoint, such an ethnic diversity cannot be overlooked or ignored due to cross-country comparisons.
"Japan." The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency, 2012. Web. 17 Feb 2012.
[2] Martin Fackler, "Japan Tries to Face Up to Growing Poverty Problem," The New York Times: Asia Pacific, 21 Apr. 2010, Web. 17 Feb. 2012. <>.
[3] Masayoshi Shibatani, The Languages of Japan (England: Cambridge UP, 1990) 89.
[4] Elizabeth May, "Japanese Children's Folk Songs before and after Contact with the West" Journal of the International Folk Music Council Vol. 11, (1959) 61-62.
[5] Ury Eppstein, "School Songs Before and After the War. From `Children Tank Soldiers' to `Everyone a Good Child'" Monumenta Nipponica Vol. 42, No. 4 (Winter, 1987) 432.
[6] Eppstein 433
[7] Eppstein 437-442
[8] Eppstein 431
[9] Eppstein 445
[10] Eppstein 446-447
[11] Ray T. Donahue, Exploring Japaneseness: On Japanese Enactments of Culture and Consciousness (Westport, CT: Ablex Pub., 2002) 169.
[12] Joanna T. Pecore, "Bridging Contexts, Transforming Music: The Case of Elementary School Teacher Chihara Yoshio" Ethnomusicology Vol. 44, No. 1 (Winter, 2000)
[13] Pecore 130
[14] Pecore 133
[15] Pecore 133
[16] David W. Hughes, Traditional Folk Song in Modern Japan: Sources, Sentiment and Society (Folkestone: Global Oriental, 2008) 11.
[17] Hughes 14
[18] Hughes 1
[19] Hughes 1
[20] Hughes 49
[21] Hughes 111
[22] Hughes 123
[23] Hughes 124
[24] David W. Hughes, Japanese "New Folk Songs," Old and New Asian Music Vol. 22, No. 1 (Autumn, 1990 - Winter, 1991) 4
[25] Christine Reiko Yano, Tears of Longing: Nostalgia and the Nation in Japanese Popular Song (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2002) 3-4.
[26] Yano 31
[27] Yano 33
[28] Yano 37
[29] Yano 38
[30] Yano 38
[31] Hugh de Ferranti, " 'Japanese Music' Can be Popular" Popular Music Vol. 21, No. 2 (May, 2002) 195.
[32] de Ferranti 195
[33] William B. Davis, Kate E. Gfeller, and Michael H. Thaut An Introduction to Music Therapy: Theory and Practice 3rd ed. (Silver Spring, MD: American Music Therapy Association, 2008) 475.

Written by Erin M. Ure

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